[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]
This just might do nobody any good.
At the end of this discourse a few people may
accuse this reporter of fouling his own comfortable nest, and your
organization may be accused of having given hospitality to heretical
and even dangerous thoughts. But I am persuaded that the elaborate
structure of networks, advertising agencies, and sponsors will not be
shaken or altered. It is my desire, if not my duty, to try to talk
to you journeymen with some candor about what is happening to radio
and television in this generous and capacious land.
I have no technical advice or counsel to offer those of you who labor in this vineyard, the one that produces words and pictures. You will, I am sure, forgive me for not telling you that the instruments with which you work are miraculous, that your responsibility is unprecedented, or that your aspirations are frequently frustrated. It is not necessary to remind you of the fact that your voice, amplified to the degree where it reaches from one end of the country to the other, does not confer upon you greater wisdom than when your voice reached only from one end of the bar to the other.
All of these things -- All of these things you know. You should also know at the outset that, in the manner of witnesses before Congressional committees, I appear here voluntarily -- by invitation; that I am an employee of the Columbia Broadcasting System; that I am neither an officer nor any longer a director of that corporation; and that these remarks are strictly of a "do-it-yourself" nature. If what I have to say is responsible, then I alone am responsible for the saying of it. Seeking neither approbation from my employers, nor news sponsors, nor acclaim from the critics of radio and television, I cannot very well be disappointed.
Believing that potentially the commercial system of
broadcasting as practiced in this country is the best and freest yet
devised, I have decided to express my concern about what I believe
to be happening to radio and television. These instruments have been
good to me beyond my due. There exists in my mind no reasonable
grounds for any kind of personal complaint. I have no feud, either
with my employers, any sponsors, or with the professional critics of
radio and television. But I am seized with an abiding fear regarding
what these two instruments are doing to our society, our culture,
and our heritage.
Our history will be what we make it. And if there are any historians about fifty or a hundred years from now -- and there should be preserved the kinescopes for one week of all three networks -- they will there find recorded in black and white, or perhaps in color, evidence of decadence, escapism, and insulation from the realities of the world in which we live. I invite your attention to the television schedules of all networks between the hours of 8:00 and 11:00 p.m., Eastern Time. Here, you will find only fleeting and spasmodic reference to the fact that this nation is in mortal danger. There are, it is true, occasional informative programs presented in that intellectual ghetto on Sunday afternoons. But during the daily peak viewing periods, television, in the main, insulates us from the realities of the world in which we live. If this state of affairs continues, we may alter an advertising slogan to read: "LOOK NOW and PAY LATER."
For surely we shall pay for using this most powerful instrument of communication to insulate the citizenry from the hard and demanding realities which must indeed be faced if we are to survive. And I mean the word "survive" quite literally. If there were to be a competition in indifference, or perhaps in insulation from reality, then Nero and his fiddle, Chamberlain and his umbrella, could not find a place on an early afternoon sustaining show. If Hollywood were to run out of Indians, the program schedules would be mangled beyond all recognition. Then perhaps some young and courageous soul with a small budget might do a documentary telling what, in fact, we have done -- and are still doing -- to the Indians in this country. But that would be unpleasant -- and we must at all costs shield the sensitive citizen from anything that is unpleasant.
I am entirely persuaded that the American public is more reasonable, restrained, and more mature than most of our industry's program planners believe. Their fear of controversy is not warranted by the evidence. I have reason to know, as do many of you, that when the evidence on a controversial subject is fairly and calmly presented, the public recognizes it for what it is: an effort to illuminate rather than to agitate.
Several years ago, when we undertook to do a program on Egypt and Israel, well-meaning, experienced and intelligent friends in the business said, "This, you cannot do." "This time you will be handed your head." "It is an emotion-packed controversy, and there is no room for reason in it." We did the program. Zionists, anti-Zionists, the friends of the Middle East, Egyptian and Israeli officials said -- with, I must confess, a faint note of surprise: "It was a fair account." "The information was there." We have no complaints."
Our experience was similar with two half-hour programs dealing with cigarette smoking and lung cancer. Both the medical profession and the tobacco industry cooperated, but in a rather wary fashion. But in the end of the day they were both reasonably content. The subject of radioactive fallout and the banning of nuclear tests was and is highly controversial. But according to what little evidence there is, viewers were prepared to listen to both sides with reason and restraint. This is not said to claim any special or unusual competence in the presentation of controversial subjects, but rather to indicate that timidity in these areas is not warranted by the evidence.
Recently, network spokesmen have been disposed to complain that the professional critics of television in print have been rather beastly. There have been ill-disguised hints that somehow competition for the advertising dollar has caused the critics in print to gang up on television and radio. This reporter has no desire to defend the critic. They have space in which to do that on their own behalf. But it remains a fact that the newspapers and magazines are the only instruments of mass communication which remain free from sustained and regular critical comment. I would suggest that if the network spokesmen are so anguished about what appears in print, then let them come forth and engage in a little sustained and regular comment regarding newspapers and magazines.
is an ancient and sad fact that most people in network television
and radio have an exaggerated regard for what appears in print. And
there have been cases where executives have refused to make even
private comment on a program, for which they are responsible, until
they had read the reviews in print. This is hardly an exhibition of
confidence in their own judgment.
The oldest excuse of the networks for their timidity is their youth.
Their spokesmen say: "We are young." "We have not developed the
traditions nor acquired the experience of the older media." If they
but knew it, they are building those traditions and creating those
precedents every day. Each time they yield to a voice from
Washington or any political pressure, each time they eliminate
something that might offend some section of the community, they are
creating their own body of precedent and tradition; and it will
continue to pursue them. They are, in fact, not content to be half
Nowhere is this better illustrated than by the fact that the chairman of the Federal Communications Commission1 publicly prods broadcasters to engage in their legal right to editorialize. Of course, to undertake an editorial policy, overt, clearly labeled, and obviously unsponsored, requires a station or a network to be responsible. Most stations today probably do not have the manpower to assume this responsibility, but the manpower could be recruited. Editorials, of course, would not be profitable. If they had a cutting edge, they might even offend. It is much easier, much less troublesome, to use this money-making machine of television and radio merely as a conduit through which to channel anything that will be paid for that is not libelous, obscene, or defamatory. In that way one has the illusion of power without responsibility.
So far as radio -- that most satisfying, ancient but rewarding instrument -- is concerned, the diagnosis of the difficulties is not too difficult (and obviously I speak only of news and information). In order to progress it need only go backward -- back to the time when singing commercials were not allowed on news reports, when there was no middle commercial in a fifteen minute news report, when radio was rather proud and alert and fast.
I recently asked a network official:
"Why this great rash of five-minute news reporting -- including three
commercials, on weekends?" And he replied, "Because that seems to be
the only thing we can sell." Well in this kind of complex and confusing world, you can't tell very
much about the "why" of the news in a broadcast where only three
minutes is available for news. The only man who could do that was
Elmer Davis, and his kind aren't about anymore. If radio news is to
be regarded as a commodity, only acceptable when saleable, and only
when packaged to fit the advertising appropriation of a sponsor,
then I don't care what you call it -- I say it isn't news.
My memory -- and I have not yet reached the point where my memories fascinate me but my memory also goes back to the time when the fear of a slight reduction in business did not result in an immediate cutback in bodies in the news and public affairs department at a time when network profits had just reached an all-time high. We would -- We would all agree, I think, that whether on a station or a network, the stapling machine is a very poor substitute for a newsroom typewriter and somebody to beat it properly.
One of the minor tragedies of television news and information is
that the networks will not even defend their vital interests. When
my employer, CBS, through a combination of enterprise and good luck,
did an interview with
Nikita Khrushchev, the President uttered a few
ill-chosen, uninformed words on the subject2, and the network
thereupon practically apologized. This produced something of a rarity. Many
newspapers defended the CBS right to produce the program and
commended it for initiative. The other networks remained silent.
Likewise, when John Foster Dulles, by personal decree, banned American journalists from going to Communist China, and subsequently offered seven contradictory explanations for his fiat, the networks entered only a mild protest. Then they apparently forgot the unpleasantness. Can it be that this national industry is content to serve the public interest only with the trickle of news that comes out of Hong Kong, to leave its viewers in ignorance of the cataclysmic changes that are occurring in a nation of 600 million people? I have no illusions about the difficulties of reporting from a dictatorship, but our British and French allies have been better served in their public interest with some very useful information from their reporters in Communist China.
One of the basic troubles with radio and television news is that
both instruments have grown up as an incompatible combination of
show business, advertising, and news. Each of the three is a rather
bizarre and, at times, demanding profession. And when you get all
three under one roof, the dust never settles. The top management of
the networks, with a few notable exceptions, has been trained in
advertising, research, sales, or show business. But by the nature of
the corporate structure, they also make the final and crucial
decisions having to do with news and public affairs. Frequently they
have neither the time nor the competence to do this. It is after all
not easy for the same small group of men to decide whether to buy a
new station for millions of dollars, build a new building, alter the
rate card, buy a new Western, sell a soap opera, decide what
defensive line to take in connection with the latest Congressional
inquiry, how much money to spend on promoting a new program, what
additions or deletions should be made in the existing covey or
clutch of vice presidents, and at the same time -- frequently on the
long, same long day -- to give mature, thoughtful consideration to
the manifold problems that confront those who are charged with the
responsibility for news and public affairs.
Sometimes there is a clash between the public interest and the corporate interest. A telephone call or a letter from the proper quarter in Washington -- it is treated rather more seriously than a communication from an irate, but not politically potent, viewer. It is tempting enough to give away a little air time for frequently irresponsible and unwarranted utterances in an effort to temper the wind of political criticism. But this could well be the subject of a separate and even lengthier and drearier dissertation.
Upon occasion, economics and editorial judgment are in conflict. And there is no law which says that dollars will be defeated by duty. Not so long ago the President of the United States delivered a television address to the nation. He was discoursing on the possibility or the probability of war between this nation and the Soviet Union and Communist China. It would seem to have been a reasonably compelling subject with a degree of urgency -- a test. Two networks, CBS and NBC, delayed that broadcast for an hour and fifteen minutes. If this decision was dictated by anything other than financial reasons, the networks didn't deign to explain those reasons. That hour and fifteen minute delay, by the way, is a little more than twice the time required for an ICBM to travel from the Soviet Union to major targets in the United States. It is difficult to believe that this decision was made by men who love, respect, and understand news.
I have been dealing largely with the deficit side of the ledger, and the items could be expanded. But I have said, and I believe, that potentially we have in this country a free enterprise system of radio and television which is superior to any other. But to achieve its promise, it must be both free and enterprising. There is no suggestion here that networks or individual stations should operate as philanthropies. But I can find nothing in the Bill of Rights or in the Communications Act which says that they must increase their net profits each year, lest the Republic collapse.
I do not suggest
that news and information should be subsidized by foundations or
private subscription. I am aware that the networks have expended,
and are expending, very considerable sums of money on public affairs
programs from which they cannot receive any financial reward. I have
had the privilege at CBS of presiding over a considerable number of
such programs. And I am able to stand here and say that I have
never had a program turned down by my superiors just because of the
money it would cost.
But we all know that you cannot reach the potential maximum audience in marginal time with a sustaining program. This is so because so many stations on the network -- any network -- will decline to carry it. Every licensee who applies for a grant to operate in the public interest, convenience, and necessity makes certain promises as to what he will do in terms of program content. Many recipients of licenses have, in blunt language, just plain welshed on those promises. The money-making machine somehow blunts their memories. The only remedy for this is closer inspection and punitive action by the FCC. But in the view of many this would come perilously close to supervision of program content by a federal agency.
So it seems that we cannot rely on philanthropic support or
foundation subsidies; we cannot follow the "sustaining route" -- the
networks cannot pay all the freight -- and the FCC cannot, will not,
or should not discipline those who abuse the facilities that belong
to the public. What, then, is the answer? Do we merely stay in our
comfortable nests, concluding that the obligation of these
instruments has been discharged when we work at the job of informing
the public for a minimum of time? Or do we believe that the
preservation of the Republic is a seven-day-a-week job, demanding
more awareness, better skills, and more perseverance than we have
I am frightened by the imbalance, the constant striving to reach the largest possible audience for everything, by the absence of a sustained study of the state of the nation. Heywood Broun once wrote: "No body politic is healthy until it begins to itch." I would like television to produce some itching pills rather than this endless outpouring of tranquilizers. It can be done. Maybe it won't be, but it could. But let us not shoot the wrong piano player. Do not be deluded into believing that the titular heads of the networks control what appears on their network. They all have better taste. All -- All are responsible to stockholders; and in my experience all are honorable men. But they must schedule what they can sell in the public market.
And this brings us to the nub of the question. In one sense it rather revolves around the phrase heard frequently along Madison Avenue: "the corporate image." I am not precisely sure what this phrase means, but I would imagine that it reflects a desire on the part of the corporations who pay the *advertising bills to have the public image, or believe that they are not merely bodies with no souls, panting in pursuit of elusive dollars. They would like us to believe that they can distinguish between the public good and the private or corporate gain. So the question is this: Are the big corporations who pay the* freight for radio and television programs wise to use that time exclusively for the sale of goods and services? Is it in their own interest and that of the stockholders so to do? The sponsor of an hour's television program is not buying merely the six minutes devoted to his commercial message. He is determining, within broad limits, the sum total of the impact of the entire hour. If he always invariably reaches for the largest possible audience, then this process of insulation, of escape from reality, will continue to be massively financed, and its apologists will continue to make winsome speeches about "giving the public what it wants," or "letting the public decide."
I refuse to believe that the presidents and chairmen of the boards of these big corporations want their corporate image to consist exclusively of a solemn voice in a[n] echo chamber, or a pretty girl opening the door of a refrigerator, or a horse that talks. They want something better and on occasion some of them have demonstrated it. But most of the men whose legal and moral responsibility it is to spend the stockholders' money for advertising are in fact removed from the realities of the mass media by five, six, or a dozen contraceptive layers of vice presidents, public relations counsel, and advertising agencies. Their business is to sell goods and the competition is pretty tough.
But this nation is now in competition with malignant forces of evil who are using every instrument at their command to empty the minds of their subjects and fill those minds with slogans, determination, and faith in the future. If we go on as we are, we are protecting the mind of the American public from any real contact with the menacing world that squeezes in upon us. We're engaged in a great experiment to discover whether a free public opinion can devise and direct methods of managing the affairs of the nation. We may fail. But in terms of information we are handicapping ourselves needlessly.
Let us have a little competition, not only in selling soap, cigarettes and automobiles, but in informing a troubled, apprehensive but receptive public. Why should not each of the twenty or thirty big corporations -- and they dominate radio and television -- decide that they will give up one or two of their regularly scheduled programs each year, turn the time over to the networks and say in effect: "This is a tiny tithe, just a little bit of our profits. On this particular night we aren't going to try to sell cigarettes or automobiles. This is merely a gesture to indicate our belief in the importance of ideas."
The networks should, and I think
they would, pay for the cost of producing a program. The
advertiser, the sponsor, would get name credit but would have
nothing to do with the content of the program. Would this somehow blemish
the corporate image? Would the stockholders rise up and object? I
think not. For if the premise upon which our pluralistic society
rests -- which as I understand it is that if the people are given
sufficient undiluted information, they will then somehow, even after
long, sober second thoughts, reach the right conclusion; if that
premise is wrong, then not only the corporate image but the
corporations and the rest of us are done for.
There used to be an old phrase in this country, employed when someone talked too much. I am grateful to all of you for not having employed it earlier. The phrase was: "Go hire a hall." Under this proposal the sponsor would have hired the hall. He has bought the time. The local station operator, no matter how indifferent, is going to carry the program. He has to. He's getting paid for it. Then it's up to the networks to fill the hall.
I am not here talking about
editorializing but about straightaway exposition -- as direct,
unadorned, and impartial as fallible human beings can make it. Just
once in a while let us exalt the importance of ideas and
information. Let us dream to the extent of saying that on a given
Sunday night the time normally occupied by
Ed Sullivan is given over
to a clinical survey of the state of American education, and a week
or two later the time normally used by
Steve Allen is devoted to a
thoroughgoing study of American policy in the Middle East. Would the
corporate image of their respective sponsors be damaged? Would the
stockholders rise up and complain? Would anything happen other than
that a few million people would have received a little illumination
on subjects that may well determine the future of this country, and
therefore also the future of the corporations? This method would
also provide real competition between the networks as to which could
outdo the other in the palatable presentation of information. It
would provide an outlet for the young men of skill -- and there are
many -- even of dedication, who would like to do something other than
devise methods of insulating while selling.
There may be other and simpler methods of utilizing these instruments of radio and television in the interests of a free society. But I know of none that could be so easily accomplished inside the framework of the existing commercial system. I don't know how you would measure the success or failure of a given program. And it would be very hard to prove the magnitude of the benefit accruing to the corporation which gave up one night of a variety or quiz show in order that the network might marshal its skills to do a thoroughgoing job on the present status of NATO, or plans for controlling nuclear tests. But I would reckon that the president, and indeed the stockholders of the corporation who sponsored such a venture, would feel just a little bit better about both the corporation and the country.
It may be that this present system, with no modifications and no
experiments, can survive. Perhaps the money-making machine has some
kind of built-in perpetual motion, but I do not think so. To a very
considerable extent the media of mass communications in a given
country reflects the political, economic, and social climate in which
it grows and flourishes. That is the reason our system differs from the
British and French, and also the Russian and Chinese. We are currently
wealthy, fat, comfortable, and complacent. We have currently a
built-in allergy to unpleasant or disturbing information, and our
mass media reflect this. But unless we get up off our fat surpluses
and recognize that television in the main is being used to distract,
delude, amuse, and insulate us, then television and those who
finance it, those who look at it, and those who work at it, may see
a totally different picture too late.
I do not advocate that we turn television into a 27-inch "wailing wall," where longhairs constantly moan about the state of our culture and our defense. But I would just like to see it reflect, occasionally, the hard, unyielding realities of the world in which we live. I would like to see it done inside the existing framework, and I would like to see the doing of it redound to the credit of those who finance and program it. Measure the results by Nielsen, Trendex, or Silex3 -- it doesn't matter. The main thing -- The main thing is to try. The responsibility can be easily placed, in spite of all the mouthings about giving the public what it wants. It rests on big business and on big television -- and it rests on the top. Responsibility is not something that can be assigned or delegated. And it promises its own reward: both good business and good television.
Perhaps no one will do anything about it. I have ventured to outline it against a background of criticism that may have been too harsh only because I could think of nothing better. Someone once said -- and I think it was Max Eastman -- that "that publisher serves his advertiser best who best serves his readers." I cannot believe that radio and television, or the corporations that finance the programs, are serving well or truly their viewers, or their listeners, or themselves.
I began by saying that our history will be what we make it. If we go on as we are, then history will take its revenge, and retribution will not limp in catching up with us. We are to a large extent an imitative society. If one or two or three corporations would undertake to devote just a small fraction of their advertising appropriation along the lines that I have suggested, the procedure might well grow by contagion. The economic burden would be bearable, and there might ensue a most exciting adventure -- exposure to ideas and the bringing of reality into the homes of the nation.
To those who say people wouldn't look; they wouldn't be interested; they're too complacent, indifferent, and insulated, I can only reply: There is, in one reporter's opinion, considerable evidence against that contention. But even if they are right, what have they got to lose? Because if they are right, and this instrument is good for nothing but to entertain, amuse, and insulate, then the tube is flickering now and we will soon see that the whole struggle is lost.
This instrument can teach; it can illuminate; yes, and even it can inspire. But it can do so only to the extent that humans are determined to use it to those ends. Otherwise it's nothing but wires and lights in a box. There is a great and perhaps decisive battle to be fought against ignorance, intolerance, and indifference. This weapon of television could be useful.
Stonewall Jackson, who is generally believed to have known something about weapons, is reported to have said, "When war comes, you must draw the sword and throw away the scabbard." The trouble with television is that it is rusting in the scabbard during a battle for survival.
Thank you for your patience.
* = content in orange font absent from this audio and unverified as delivered
1 John C. Doerfer, FCC Commissioner July, 1957-- March, 1960. Newspaper brief on Doerfer's call for TV editorials. Additionally: "Most broadcasters are showing an unwarranted timidity and a fear of public officials that is hampering creative thought in a vital medium of communication. " And, "When you deny the right of broadcast media to editorialize, you are not only separating creativity and judgment in news reporting and challenging Section 326 of the Communications Act and Article One of the Constitution, but flouting a basic right." (Sponsor, Newsmaker of the Week, 1958).
2 "Well, now, let's take a look at this: a commercial firm in this country, trying to improve its own commercial standing, went to unusual effort to get someone that, really, made a unique performance in front of our people...." (Dwight D. Eisenhower, White House Press Conference, 5 June 1957, emphasis added. In Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Dwight D. Eisenhower, p.438, 1957.)
3 In the 1950s, Nielsen, Trendex, and Silex were the primary agencies used by television corporations in the scientific (representative sampling) analysis of TV viewing habits. The latter two are defunct. TV executives used the results of these rating services as the basis for determining advertising charges per time slot. (PBS.org)
Research Note: Thanks to K. Downs for the original reference text.
Also in this database: Movie Speech recreating the foregoing speech from Good Night and Good Luck
Audio Note: Linked directly to http://nyc.podcast.play.it/media/d0/d0/d0/dV/dJ/d8/dX/VJ8X_3.MP3
Image Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Edward_R._Murrow_1953.jpg
U.S Copyright Status: Text and Audio = Uncertain. Image = Public domain (per Wikipedia's note)