Joint Press Remarks
with Republic of Korea Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yulh
delivered 7
January 2025, Seoul, Republic of Korea
MODERATOR:
[Via interpreter] Good afternoon. Let
us now begin the joint press availability of the ROK-U.S. foreign ministers’
meeting, beginning with opening statements. Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul will
speak first, to be followed by Secretary Blinken. After their opening
statements, we will have a Q&A session. Now, let me invite Minister Cho first.
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: [Via interpreter] Good afternoon. I am Cho Tae-yul,
foreign minister of Korea. Let me first extend my sincere condolences to the
victims and bereaved families of the tragedy in New Orleans. Korea will always
stand with the people of the United States. I also express my deepest
condolences on the passing of former President Carter, who was a respected elder
statesman who devoted his life to democracy, human rights, and international
peace -- a true paragon to the entire world.
I once again welcome Secretary Blinken back to Korea. Under the current
Government of Korea, this marks his third visit, and between us -- including our
official meetings and phone calls -- our 14th engagement. If our brief encounters
on multilateral occasions are included, the number would be even higher.
Secretary Blinken’s visit this time and the ROK-U.S. foreign ministers’ meeting
carries special significance more so than ever.
Firstly, full trust in the ROK-U.S. alliance was restored and a values-based
Alliance revived. Today, we reaffirmed that there’s no daylight between us in
the ROK-U.S. alliance. Under the acting presidency of Choi Sang-mok, stable
state governance and the solid ROK-U.S. alliance will ensure our foreign policy
directions remain unchanged. I made this clear. Secretary Blinken expressed a
strong support for Korea’s democracy and the alliance, as well as confidence in
the acting government, reaffirming his commitment to closely cooperating with
the ROK Government to continue strengthening the alliance.
Secondly, the United States steadfast defense commitment to the ROK and the
strategic importance of Korea-U.S.-Japan cooperation were reiterated. Secretary
Blinken’s choice of Korea and Japan as his first and final destinations as
Secretary of State demonstrates the U.S.’s firm commitment to the ROK-U.S.-Japan
partnership. Korea and the U.S., together with Japan, have ushered in a new era
of trilateral cooperation. We looked back on the outcomes of the Camp David
Summit, and based on its spirit and principles, high-level consultations were
regularized, and in areas such as security, economic security, advanced
technology, and development cooperation, sector-specific consultation bodies
were launched, and we reviewed their progress.
Moreover, the trilateral secretariat established late last year will be central
to the endeavors we agreed to make towards even stronger trilateral
collaboration. On the DPRK, its nuclear issue, and illegal military cooperation
with Russia -- we had an in-depth exchange of views. Efforts implementing UNSC
sanctions against North Korea and disclose its sanctions-evading activities as a
way of inducing its denuclearization are more crucial than ever. Concurring on
this, we pledged to continue our collaboration in this regard. We condemned the
DPRK’s launch of ballistic missiles today, and through a serious combined
defense posture and strengthened extended deterrence, we pledged to prepare
thoroughly for any potential North Korean provocations.
Thirdly, we reviewed the achievements of the ROK-U.S. cooperation and reaffirmed
our commitment to follow-up measures. Korea and the U.S., through the Washington
Declaration and the establishment of the NCG, have dramatically reinforced
extended deterrence cooperation; reconvened the ROK-U.S. 2+2 foreign and defense
ministers’ meeting and agreed on its regularization, and declared our agreement
to extend the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty to space -- and outer space -- outer
space.
Our two nations have spearheaded efforts leading to the recent establishment of
a new mechanism for monitoring the implementation of UNSC sanctions on North
Korea, the MSMT, which is also driving the international community’s enforcement
of these sanctions. We also assessed the achievements of the next-generation CET
Dialogue, as well as our AI and advanced technology cooperation, also exchanging
views on the implementation of the IRA and CHIPS Act and fostering of a
favorable investment environment for Korean companies in the U.S.
Our two nations have worked together to attain these milestones, which represent
key elements of the global comprehensive strategic alliance and stand as a
testament to the ROK-U.S. alliance elevated to its highest level. We agreed on
the need to preserve these achievements in building them for even greater
outcomes going forward, committing to achieve cooperation to this end.
The ROK-U.S. alliance is stronger when our two nations stand together as they do
now. A strong alliance will offer future generations greater opportunities and
prosperity, and contribute to the Korean Peninsula and Indo-Pacific region’s
peace, stability, and progress. As it has for the past 71 years, our
companionship will endure.
Thank you.
MODERATOR: [Via interpreter] Thank you. Now let me invite Secretary Blinken for
opening statement.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Thank you very much. And let me begin by thanking Foreign
Minister Cho, acting President Choi, for welcoming me back to Seoul, and for
their partnership and leadership during a challenging time for Korea. I also
greatly appreciate the opportunity to meet with Speaker Wu and members of the
National Assembly later this afternoon.
And let me start by saying how much I appreciate the friendship and the
partnership that I’ve had with the foreign minister, with Tae-yul, a man of
tremendous democratic integrity and someone I admire greatly. And on behalf of
the American people, let me say how deeply saddened we are by the plane crash in
Muan. Our hearts go out to the loved ones of all of the victims, the survivors,
all of those touched by this tragedy. We have a team from the National
Transportation Safety Board, from the Federal Aviation Administration, from
Boeing -- all here in Korea on the ground to support the investigation into this
disaster. And I just want to reaffirm that the United States is here to help in
any way that we can.
As the foreign minister noted, this is now my fourth visit in total to Korea, my
21st vision -- visit to the region, to the Indo-Pacific, as Secretary of State.
In many ways, this visit brings my tenure as Secretary full circle. Secretary
Austin and I traveled here to Seoul and then to Tokyo on the very first overseas
trip by any member of President Biden’s Cabinet. We chose to come to Korea
because for seven decades, the U.S.-ROK alliance has been the linchpin of peace,
security, prosperity in Northeast Asia, the Indo-Pacific, but also increasingly
around the world.
On day one, President Biden told me that my number one assignment was to
revitalize and to reimagine our alliances and our partnerships so that we could
more effectively meet the tests of our time and more effectively deliver for our
people. Over the past four years, that is exactly what we’ve done. Today, the
alliance between the United States and Korea remains more essential than ever in
shaping our shared future, and I believe it’s also stronger than ever in taking
on that task.
We’ve enhanced, as you heard the minister say, our extended deterrence -- the
United States commitment to defend our allies with the full range of our
conventional and nuclear capabilities -- as well as our ability to coordinate and
respond to DPRK aggression, including through the Nuclear Consultative Group. We
condemn the DPRK’s missile launch just today, yet another violation of multiple
UN Security Council resolutions. Together with Japan and the ROK, we have forged
a new era of trilateral cooperation, helping to advance a shared vision of an
Indo-Pacific that’s free, that’s open, that’s prosperous, that’s secure, that’s
resilient, increasingly connected.
I’ve had the privilege to help grow these relationships since my time as deputy
secretary under President Obama and now as Secretary with President Biden’s
leadership. Following the historic summit that President Biden convened at Camp
David, the U.S., the Republic of Korea, and Japan, we’re now implementing more
than three dozen different initiatives in the areas of security, economic
relations and innovation, and people-to-people ties. Just by way of example,
we’re conducting a regular joint military exercise program. We’re exchanging
real-time data about North Korean ballistic missile launches. We’re enhancing
the interoperability of our armed forces. We’re working to share early warning
information on supply chain disruptions to make our economies even more secure
and even more resilient. American, Korean, Japanese universities are
collaborating increasingly with industry to train thousands of students in
quantum computing, and that’s going to give us a competitive edge in innovations
that will shape the future.
We’ve established a program to help our next generation of young trilateral
leaders address all of these shared challenges. This expanded trilateral
cooperation has been a force multiplier for the good. A more unified partnership
for peace and stability from the Korean Peninsula to the Taiwan Strait; an
engine of economic and technological progress; a way to bring our people,
especially our young people, together, closer together than ever before. I
believe it’s in the strategic interest of each of our countries not just to
sustain this trilateral cooperation, but to grow it in the years ahead,
particularly in an era when security in the Indo-Pacific and Europe is
increasingly intertwined.
In the last week of December, more than 1,000 North Korean forces were killed
and were wounded in Kursk, casualties of Russia’s effort to redraw the border of
a sovereign country --Ukraine -- to do it by force, and a sign of the growing
threat posed by heightened cooperation between revisionist authoritarians in
Moscow and in Pyongyang. Now, this is a two-way street. The DPRK is already
receiving Russian military equipment and training. Now. we have reason to
believe that Moscow intends to share advanced space and satellite technology
with Pyongyang, and that Putin may be close to reversing a decades-long policy
by Russia and accepting DPRK’s nuclear weapons program.
The Republic of Korea stepped up to support Ukraine as it defends itself against
Russian aggression, providing essential humanitarian assistance to so many
people who’ve been displaced by the conflict. And the United States looks
forward to Korea -- along with Japan, Australia, New Zealand -- continuing to
increase cooperation with NATO so that Atlantic and Pacific nations can stand
together to defend international rules and principles, because that’s
fundamentally what’s at stake in Ukraine.
This has been an aggression, yes, against the Ukrainian people and against
Ukraine itself, but also an aggression against the very principles that lie at
the heart of the international system and that were agreed to by countries
around the world as the best way of preserving peace, preserving stability,
preserving security. These are the principles at the heart of the UN Charter --
territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence. These are the principles that
Russia attacked; these are the principles that we are united in defending.
Together, we’ve also promoted a shared economic approach, whether that’s the ROK
hosting APEC this year, chairing the Mineral Security Partnership to enhance
supply chain resilience, or investing in development initiatives from the Mekong
to the Pacific Islands. The United States is now Korea’s second largest investor
and largest good exports market. Thanks primarily to the landmark Inflation
Reduction Act as well as the CHIPS and Science Act, the Republic of Korea has
become a leading investor in the United States, committing more than $140
billion since 2021, all the way from semiconductor plants in Michigan to solar
facilities in Georgia. Our nations are working together, collaborating, to
develop cutting-edge technologies in clean energy, in biotechnology, in space
exploration.
Now, we meet as both of our countries are experiencing periods of transition,
and what we know is this. Our relationship is bigger than any one leader, any
one government, any one party. The security challenges that we face, the
economic opportunities we share -- all of these shared challenges and
opportunities, they will continue to bring us closer together. And this
relationship is grounded not just in economic or security interests, but in our
shared democratic values.
Over these past four decades, Korea has written one of the most powerful, one of
the most inspiring democratic stories in the world. Korea’s democracy has been
tested in recent weeks, just as Americans’ democracy has faced challenges
throughout our history. But you are responding by demonstrating your democratic
resilience. The United States has full confidence in South Korea’s institutions,
and we reaffirm our unwavering support for the Korean people as they work
tirelessly to uphold those institutions. We trust that the Republic of Korea, as
a leading global democracy, will proceed in full accordance with its
constitution and the rule of law.
More than 70 years after our alliance was forged in blood, there’s a reason that
there’s strong and broad support for the alliance that continues to endure in
both of our countries. It makes our people more secure; it makes them more
prosperous; it makes them more innovative. It advances the values that we share
together. Ultimately, this alliance doesn’t only deliver for our people -- it’s
rooted in our people.
Earlier this week, we had members of our new Congress sworn in. They included a
Republican congresswoman born in Incheon, a Democratic congresswoman -- the
daughter of a Korean mother and a black American service member -- who, when she
was first elected, took the oath of office wearing a traditional Korean hanbok
--
and the first Korean American elected to the United States Senate. These Korean
American leaders demonstrate the commitment that our people share to making real
the promise of our democracies. They’re a manifestation of the bonds that join
our countries together.
And fundamentally, it’s because of people like these in both our countries that
I remain fully, strongly optimistic that the United States and South Korea will
continue to go together into a future of our own making. Katchi kapshida
["We go together"].
Thank
you.
MODERATOR:
[Via interpreter] Thank you. Next, *we will open up the floor for
questions. In the interest of time, we will take questions from two journalists
each from the two sides. First, we will take the question from the Korean media.
From Korea* Daily, Moon Jae-yeon. Please, go ahead.
QUESTION: [Via interpreter] Good afternoon. My name is Moon Jae-yeon. I’m from
Hankook, a daily newspaper. I would like to thank both of you for making
dedicated efforts to ensure the democracy of Korea. My questions will go to each
of you. Mr. Minister Cho first -- of course you are saying that the trust in the
Korean democracy has been restored. However, there are still disruptions going
on due to the imposition of martial law, so what are your plans to restore the
confidence, the full trust? And what do you believe is the cause of this?
[In English] Mr. Secretary, thank you so much for having us today. I have two
questions for you. First, is the U.S. Government still in grave concern with the
political situation in South Korea? Secondly, President Biden has portrayed the
world as the battle between democracy and autocracy, yet with all due respect,
the United States biggest allies, including us, South Korea, have underlined
these very values. Why do you think the Biden administration’s leadership was
not strong enough to convince its ally countries to promote democracy in
practice?
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: [Via interpreter] Let me address the questions. First,
martial law was declared, and we have been making efforts to handle the
situation, but I believe it revealed both the democratic resilience of the
country and also our vulnerabilities as well. So it had a dual side. If you
focus just on the vulnerabilities with a magnifying glass, maybe you would feel
that you are uncertain about the future of Korea, but I believe that the
international community is focusing on the resilience, and I believe that that’s
the right way to assess the future of the country.
Therefore, the strong democratic resilience in our society, as well as our
people’s mature civic mindset, are valuable assets that I can leverage to
swiftly stabilize our foreign relations and restore the international
community’s confidence. Liberal democracy and a market economy are the
fundamental values of our constitution and invaluable assets that we have built
over the past 70 years. As such, I believe that there should be no wavering in
pursuing those goals and vision, and doing so, I believe, is the goal of our
diplomacy, and we will work together with our ally -- value-based ally -- the
United States to be able to do so.
And these efforts, as was mentioned by Secretary Blinken, will be maintained
irrespective of the new government in either the U.S. or Korea. We will continue
to work with the Trump administration based on the values-based alliance for all
of the policies and actions that we will take going forward, and we will closely
coordinate.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: So we -- we had serious concerns about some of the actions
that President Yoon took. We communicated those directly to the government. At
the same time, we have tremendous confidence in the resilience of South Korea’s
democracy, in the strength of its institutions, and in the efforts that it’s
making to work through those institutions, pursuant to the constitution and the
rule of law, to resolve differences and to do so peacefully.
And that actually gets right to the heart of the second part of your question.
What sets democracies apart from other systems is precisely how we respond to
challenges, including internal challenges. And what sets democracies apart --
democracies like the United States and the Republic of Korea -- is the fact that
when we have differences, when we have challenges to our systems, we don’t
pretend they don’t exist. We don’t ignore them; we don’t sweep them under the
rug. We confront them; we deal with them openly, transparently. And sometimes
that’s painful, sometimes that’s not pleasant to look at, but it is -- it goes to
the very strength of our systems.
And as our countries respond in different ways to different challenges, when we
do so according to a constitution, according to the rule of law, and resolve
differences peacefully, that is actually the strength of our systems and a
strength that the Republic of Korea is reasserting today.
MODERATOR: [Via interpreter] Thank you. Next, we are ready to take a question
from the U.S. media outlet. From New York Times, Edward Wong. Please, go ahead.
QUESTION: Thank you, both of you. Mr. Secretary, it’s appropriate you just spoke
about the importance of democracy on the fourth anniversary of the violence of
January 6th in the U.S. I’m wondering -- you and Mr. Biden both hailed President
Yoon as a champion of democracy, and you allowed him to hold the third Summit
for Democracy here in Korea. Why were you and President Biden both blindsided by
his anti-democratic power-grab? And do you regret placing your earlier faith in
Mr. Yoon?
And a related question -- yesterday I watched as Mr. Yoon’s supporters amassed in
the streets near our hotel, and they held up “stop the steal” signs in English
and waved American flags and also chanted “stop the steal,” clearly an appeal to
President-elect Trump for help, given Trump’s own attempt before and during
January 6th to stay in power. I’d like your honest assessment of how the rapid
erosion of democratic norms in America has impacted South Korea and other
countries.
And for Mr. Cho, when Mr. Yoon, your president, declared martial law based on
accusations of subversive forces in your own country, he appeared to be adopting
strategies similar to the ones that autocrats in North Korea, Russia, and China
use to stay in power. Why has your head of government gone in the same political
direction as your national enemies and rivals, and how are you dealing with the
tensions this has created with the United States? Thank you.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: So Ed, I don’t want to repeat the answer I just gave, but
it’s fundamentally the same. All of our countries face challenges, and again,
the hallmark of any democracy is in our response to those challenges. And what I
said earlier and what I would reassert is that the response here in Korea to
this most recent challenge, a response that’s going forward, again, pursuant to
the constitution, following the rule of law, and peacefully is what we’ve seen
and what we fully expect.
Korea has been an extraordinary partner for the United States over many decades,
but in particular these last four years, and we’ve seen that in the work that
we’re doing together not only bilaterally between our countries, not only in
dealing with regional challenges, but increasingly globally. And it’s not just
security -- it’s economic, it’s innovative, it’s people-to-people. And we’ve seen
the assertion of Korea as a global actor, and I think that’s one of the most
positive developments that we’ve seen in recent years. Korea’s brand is
remarkably strong -- the story of its democratic trajectory and success, the
strength of its economy, the innovative power of its people.
And when a country, whether it’s ours or Korea, faces a challenge, the measure
is how we respond. And again, as I said, the response that we’re seeing and that
we expect to continue to see is one that is peaceful and fully consistent and in
accordance with the constitution and the rule of law. And again, at the risk of
repeating myself, I think what we’ve seen in our own country, as well as in
other democracies that have faced challenges, has been a response that’s open,
that’s transparent, that doesn’t pretend we don’t have problems or challenges,
that confronts them, confronts them directly. And time and again, what we’ve
seen is our countries emerge stronger from those challenges.
Now, it’s vitally important -- essential -- that as we respond to challenges, we
do so in accordance with the rule of law, with the constitution, with our
democratic principles. And if and as we do that, I believe that will only
reinforce the strength of our democracies.
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: [Via interpreter] Was there a question posed to me as
well?
QUESTION: Yes, I can repeat it. I was saying earlier that your president, Mr.
Yoon, when he declared martial law based on accusations of subversive forces in
South Korea, he was adopting the same strategies that autocrats in North Korea,
Russia, and China use to stay in power. Why has your head of government gone in
this political direction, and how do you deal with the tensions this has created
with the United States?
FOREIGN MINISTER CHO: [Via interpreter] I thought the question was directed to
Secretary Blinken. In Korea, there was an incident that took place one month
ago, and for you to be able to understand the situation, rather than trying to
understand the general context you have to understand the specific culture and
political culture and the history and the ups and downs along the history. You
would have to understand the full picture of the -- Korea as a nation, rather
than trying to understand it from the perspective of democratic theory. If you
do that, you wouldn’t be able to find the correct answer to the whole situation.
Korea was able to achieve democracy and economic growth over a very short span
of time, but as I mentioned previously, along that process, during that process,
there were some vulnerabilities that we were unable to detect ourselves. And we
are here where we are without understanding those vulnerabilities. So those
hidden vulnerabilities and weaknesses were revealed due to a certain incident,
explosive (inaudible), and that is the reason that we are having a situation
that we never imagined that we would have currently.
This is something that we cannot overcome in any short time. This is something
that our politicians, the political circles, will have to make concerted efforts
to overcome. We need to overcome division so that we can heal ourselves and
bring ourselves together for national harmony. To be able to do that, we would
have to mobilize the intellectuals of the country so that we can overcome such
deep divisions.
To the ROK-U.S. relations, I do not understand how much of damage it has caused
to that, but during the past month, I have been trying to talk with Secretary
Blinken and many members of the U.S. administration and political circles. And I
was able to confirm that there is full trust and confidence in Korea as a nation
on the part of the U.S. That was something that I was able to affirm myself, and
based on such strong confidence and alliance, our bilateral relations will
continue to move forward. That is something that I can be sure about. I do not
have any insecurities on that.
MODERATOR: [Via interpreter] Thank you very much. Now we are back to taking
questions from the Korean media. From The Korea Herald, Ji Dagyum. Please, go
ahead with your question.
QUESTION: Thank you. Secretary Blinken, I’d like to take this opportunity during
your final trip to Seoul to ask you two questions regarding North Korea policy
and trilateral cooperation. North Korea launched a ballistic missile earlier
today in what appears to be a symbolic gesture, overlapping with your final
visit to Seoul and Tokyo. And some critics argue that there has been a lack of
proactive engagement and limited visible progress in curbing North Korea
provocation and advancing dialogue with North Korea. And how would you assess
the Biden administration’s overarching policy approach toward North Korea, and
what do you view as the administration’s key achievement and shortcomings in
addressing North Korean issues.
And finally, what lessons learned would you recommend the Trump administration’s
(inaudible) more effectively to address North Korean issues and foster stability
in the region?
And secondly, the Camp David Summit has been landmark achievement in
strengthening trilateral cooperation among the U.S., South Korea, and Japan.
However, with the Trump administration set to take office next January and
political uncertainties (inaudible) in South Korea, concerns have emerged about
the durability and sustainability of this trilateral framework. Given this
development, what specific steps or institutional measures would you recommend
to the Trump administration’s -- prioritized to ensure this trilateral
partnership remains robust and resilient?
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Thank you very much. So with regard to the DPRK, first, as I
said earlier, we condemn yet another violation of multiple Security Council
resolutions with the reported missile launch. What we’ve worked to do over these
last four years is two things. First, we have sought to engage the DPRK -- and
multiple efforts to sit down, to talk without any preconditions. We communicated
that on many occasions. We’ve done it privately; we’ve done it publicly. And the
only response effectively we’ve gotten has been more and more provocative
actions, including missile launches.
So it is not for want of seeking engagement and trying to find a way forward
through diplomacy, but at the same time we haven’t stood still. On the contrary,
we have, in historic ways, strengthened our common defense and common
deterrence. We’ve done that bilaterally, including through the work of the
Nuclear Consultative Group, and that I expect to meet in the coming days again.
We’ve done it in reinforcing, in very practical ways, the alliance between the
United States and the Republic of Korea, and we’ve done it trilaterally with
Japan.
And the spirit of Camp David is now manifesting itself, as I mentioned, in more
than three dozen practical initiatives, notably in the security realm but also
economics, people-to-people. That is bringing our countries closer together,
demonstrating practical results for the people, and enhancing our defense and
our deterrence when it comes to the DPRK. And precisely for those reasons, I
fully expect it to continue. It’s manifestly in the interests of the people in
all three of our countries.
We have seen, among other things, just recently, the establishment of a
permanent secretariat to manage the work of the trilateral process. I’ve heard
positive statements across the political spectrum here in the Republic of Korea
in support of that work. I’ll be going to Tokyo from here, and I fully expect as
well that I’ll hear a reaffirmation of a commitment to the trilateral process.
And in fact, again, today’s launch is just a reminder to all of us of how
important our collaborative work is, including on real-time information sharing,
including on the exercises we’re engaged in on a trilateral basis. All of that
and more is a strong and effective response to the provocations from North
Korea.
So I have confidence that, because it’s so in the interest of all of us, it will
continue and future administrations -- whether it’s here, whether it’s in the
United States, whether it’s Japan -- will continue to build on the work that
we’ve done together.
MODERATOR: [Via interpreter] Last but not least, I will give a chance to a U.S.
journalist. From the AFP, Shaun Tandon. Please, go ahead.
QUESTION: Hi. Mr. Secretary, Mr. Foreign Minister, thanks for doing this. Could
I follow my Korean colleague’s questions about North Korea? Sorry -- there. I’ll
try again with the microphone. If I could follow up some -- my Korean colleague’s
questions on North Korea, Mr. Secretary, you just said that you’re seeing signs
that Russia is expanding satellite and space cooperation. Could you elaborate on
that? What time frame do you see? What type of risk (inaudible) you have?
And for both of you, South Korea, what role could it play increasingly in
Ukraine? Is there still consideration of weapons to help Kyiv? And do you have
any more information right now about North Korea, what they might be doing in
Ukraine? On Ukraine, it’s been reported that the Ukrainians have launched a
counteroffensive, an expanded counteroffensive, today in Kursk. Do you have any
information on that and where you think that’s going?
Mr. Secretary, if you allow me, could I ask one question from somewhere else in
the world -- the Middle East. There have been reports that Hamas has formalized a
list of initial hostages to be released. Brett McGurk is in the region. Do you
think now we are closer to a ceasefire deal? Thank you.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Great. Thanks, Shaun, and appreciate the very impressive
effort to bring multiple questions and multiple theaters together in one. Thank
you.
QUESTION: Trying to put the themes together.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Appreciate that. With regard to this two-way street that I
described in the relationship between Russia and the DPRK, what we’re seeing is
not only the provision of artillery, ammunition, and troops by North Korea to
Russia -- forced aggression against Ukraine -- but we are seeing collaboration,
support coming in the other direction. Russia is already providing military
equipment to the DPRK. It’s providing training. We believe that it has the
intent to share space and satellite technology with the DPRK, and that concern
is very much a focus that not only the United States but also the Republic of
Korea and Japan are bringing to bear -- and very much part of our conversations.
I think it underscores, as I mentioned as well, increasingly what we’re seeing
around the world, which is the indivisibility of security, the indivisibility of
security between the Atlantic and Pacific theaters. It’s manifested by the fact
that right now, the biggest ongoing drivers that are allowing Russia to continue
its aggression against Ukraine are coming in part from the DPRK -- with
artillery, with ammunition, with troops -- and China in terms of its support or
the support of its companies for Russia’s defense industrial base. And I think
that’s been a big eye-opener to allies and partners in Europe, and also explains
their intense focus on the Indo-Pacific, just as it motivates many of our
partners in this region.
In Ukraine itself and in Kursk, what we’ve been doing every single day is to try
to make sure that Ukraine has in hand what it needs to effectively defend itself
against the ongoing Russian aggression, and as well to make sure that -- if in
the coming year, there is a negotiation, there are discussions of a ceasefire --
Ukraine has the strongest possible hand to play. And of course, the Ukrainians
themselves are trying to make sure that they have that strong hand. Their
position in Kursk is an important one, because certainly it’s something that
would factor into any negotiation that may come about in the coming year.
I think it’s going to be very, very important that if this gets to a point where
there is a negotiation and where there is eventually a ceasefire, it be done on
the best possible terms and consistent with something that is both just and
durable. And part of that is going to be the imperative of making sure that
there are adequate security assurances of one kind or another for Ukraine to
prevent further Russian aggression, because what we know is this: If there is
going to be at some point a ceasefire, it’s not going to be, in Putin’s mind,
game over. His imperial ambitions remain, and what he will seek to do is to
rest, to refit, and eventually reattack.
And the critical difference that needs to be established is making sure that
there’s an adequate deterrent in place so that he doesn’t do that, that he
thinks twice, three times before engaging in any re-aggression. But meanwhile,
our purpose is to make sure that the Ukrainians are as strengthened as possible
and that they have a strong hand to play.
Finally, with regard to the Middle East and in particular the ceasefire
negotiations, as you know and as we’ve talked about many times, we’ve been
working intensely to bring this agreement, to bring this plan that President
Biden put forward back in May -- and that the entire world got behind -- country
after country standing up, supporting the proposal that President Biden put
forward -- the UN Security Council voting 14 to nothing in favor of it -- we’re
working very hard to bring that over the finish line.
And what we’ve seen in the last couple of weeks is a re-intensified engagement,
including by Hamas, but we have yet to see agreement on the final points. So
what I can tell you is this: We very much want to bring this over the finish
line in the next two weeks, the time that we have remaining, and we will work
every minute of every day of those two weeks to try to get that to happen. If we
don’t get it across the finish line in the next two weeks, I’m confident that it
will get to completion at some point, hopefully sooner rather than later. And
when it does, it will be on the basis of the plan that President Biden put
forward and that virtually the entire world supports.
We need Hamas to make the final necessary decisions to complete the agreement
and to fundamentally change the circumstance for the hostages -- getting them out
-- for people in Gaza -- bringing them relief -- and for the region as a whole
--
creating an opportunity to actually move forward to something better, more
secure for everyone involved.
MODERATOR: [Via interpreter] Thank you. This concludes the joint press
availability for the ROK-U.S. foreign ministers’ meeting. Thank you.
*
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