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Antony J. Blinken
delivered 10 July 2024, Marriott Marquis, Washington, D.C.
MS. CONLEY:
Well, thank you so much, Amanda and Marie-Doha. Warmest of welcomes to you -- SECSTATE BLINKEN: Acheson.
MS. CONLEY: He said: For those who participated in the drafting of this treaty
--
the Washington Treaty -- must
leave to others the judgment of the significance and the value of that act. So
I just want to ask you very SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, first, good morning, everyone. It’s great to be with you today. I don’t think we’ve seen this kind of assemblage of -- we heard -- MS. CONLEY: We heard the term; use it. SECSTATE BLINKEN: NATO nerds -- you’re all here. MS. CONLEY: We celebrate this. We celebrate it. SECSTATE BLINKEN: And I’m -- I proudly count myself among you and have for more than 30 years now. MS. CONLEY: Yes, sir. SECSTATE BLINKEN: The moment means a lot of things. The moment means 75 years -- Jens Stoltenberg said it yesterday: this is now the longest enduring alliance in history. That in and of itself is remarkable. But I think it’s evidence that country after country, government after government, representing now a billion people, has seen the extraordinary value of this Alliance. And I think it really boils down to this when you think about it -- because when Dean Acheson was here, when our predecessors were here, they were coming off two world wars. And the absolute priority for them was trying to put in place the understandings, the arrangements, the structures to prevent another global conflagration, and NATO was at the heart of that.
And what is at the heart of NATO? This extraordinary commitment
-- that an attack on one is an attack on all --
is the strongest possible deterrent to conflict, the best possible way to avoid
war, because any would-be
MS. CONLEY: Absolutely. Thank you. Well, one of the pressing priorities at this
75th year is, of course,
Ukraine. Last evening, we heard President Biden make some announcements about a
new air defense package in SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s right. MS. CONLEY: So Mr. Secretary, I actually want to start with that news. I hope you can help us unpack that and tell us a little bit more about the Ukraine package that we can expect at the summit.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, you heard the President yesterday talk about the work
that we’ve done and other
Allies have done to put together more air defense systems for Ukraine, notably
Patriots but also many other
systems, because we know that’s the key to so many things. It’s the key to
defending Ukraine’s infrastructure.
It’s the key to defending its people. It’s the key to defending its forces. It’s
also key to making sure So these air defense systems, we know, have been job number one for Ukraine and, as a result, for the Alliance that’s supporting it. But this is just part of a comprehensive package that we’re putting in place, that we’ve actually put in place since before day one, to make sure that Ukraine has what it needs to defend itself when it needs it. And I’m also pleased to announce that, as we speak, the transfer of F-16 jets is underway, coming from Denmark, coming from the Netherlands and those jets -- those jets will be flying in the skies of Ukraine this summer to make sure that Ukraine can continue to effectively defend itself against the Russian aggression.
MS. CONLEY: So we also understand coming out of the summit, we’ll have
announcements that there will be a new SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s right. MS. CONLEY: -- in Wiesbaden that will be very focused, building on the extraordinary work of the Ramstein Defense Contact Group to sustain capabilities for Ukraine, operations, maintenance. We’ll have a NATO liaison officer -- SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s right.
MS. CONLEY: -- in Kyiv. I mean, this is a pretty robust package that you’re
talking about. I want to -- you
said something when you last were in Kyiv on, I believe, May 14th. And you said:
Our strategy is that Ukraine
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Yeah, I believe it is. And let’s talk about two things. Let’s
talk about what winning
means, what success is for Ukraine. And in my estimation, at least, success is a
strong, independent Ukraine, Just a few weeks ago, President Biden signed our bilateral security agreement with Ukraine. At the last NATO summit, on its margins, President Biden brought together more than 30 countries to negotiate and now sign these bilateral security agreements. What does that mean? It means that for the next decade country after country has vowed to help Ukraine build its deterrent and defense capacity. That sends the strongest possible message to Vladimir Putin that he can’t outlast Ukraine. He can’t outlast Ukraine’s partners. So the military trajectory is clear. The economic trajectory is critical. Making sure that private sector investment is being driven into Ukraine. Our former Secretary of Commerce, Penny Pritzker, has been leading our efforts with so many other allies and partners. We just had a very strong reconstruction conference in Germany. But all of this is about making sure that investment is driven to Ukraine. I’m convinced that Ukraine has tremendous capacity, first to develop a strong defense industrial base for itself and for other countries, but also because of the extraordinary innovation of Ukrainian entrepreneurs, the Ukrainian economy, to develop a strong, robust economy. Of course, the air defenses are critical to make sure, as I said before, that investments that are being made -- physical investments that are being made are protected.
And then finally, democratic deepening. The fact that the EU opened its
accession process with Ukraine, the
fact that NATO also requires as Ukraine move irreversibly along the path to
membership, that it continue MS. CONLEY: Mr. Secretary, I’m so glad you talked about the well-lit bridge, because I think an enormous amount of energy is being expended upon verbal gymnastics in some ways, the irreversible path, the well-lit bridge, all of these terms. But what you’ve been talking about, the actions, the robustness, that speaks louder than words -- SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s exactly right.
MS. CONLEY: -- that’s the relationship with NATO. But why are we so caught up
--
why can’t there be greater
simplicity and clarity about this incredibly close relationship that Ukraine
will join NATO? Help me SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, we have a lot of very talented people who have to spend a lot of time writing NATO declarations. We want to make sure they’re fully employed. MS. CONLEY: So that’s the secret. SECSTATE BLINKEN: So as someone who’s done that myself, in the past -- MS. CONLEY: Okay. SECSTATE BLINKEN: -- in all seriousness, by the way -- MS. CONLEY: No, please. SECSTATE BLINKEN: -- our colleagues are doing extraordinary work because look, we have 32 Allies. This is a democratic Alliance, an Alliance of democratic countries. Different countries have slightly different views on some of these issues and part of our responsibility is to proceed with consensus. The greatest strength that we have, the most valuable currency we have as an Alliance is our unity, but that unity doesn’t just happen. It’s the product of conversation. It’s the product of listening. It’s the product of talking. It’s the product of building that consensus and it gets reflected in these documents.
But you’re -- Heather, you’re exactly right. I think it’s important to look at
the words, but it’s even more
important to look at the actions; as I said a moment ago, the first time NATO
has had a dedicated command to MS. CONLEY: So I’m going to sprinkle another historical quote, and this was by President Truman the year following the signing of the Washington Treaty at his inaugural address. He said -- and I thought this is a good definition, not quite that word salad that we were talking about -- “the main objective of the North Atlantic Treaty is to erase any possible doubt and uncertainty that may be lurking in the minds of potential aggressors.” Is that package enough to deter Vladimir Putin on Ukraine? That’s the question. Does that provide sufficient certainty?
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, first, President Truman had the remarkable gift of
speaking clearly, speaking
directly, and we’ll try to live up to that example as best we can. But look, the
proof will be in the pudding.
MS. CONLEY: Absolutely. To sort of twist President Truman’s words a bit, I’m
wondering if the aggressor is
starting to put doubts in the mind of some NATO members. And what I’m speaking
about is these brazen hybrid
SECSTATE BLINKEN: It has to do, and it is doing, what it’s always done, which
is to adapt. When we came into
office, one of the most important things to do from the outset -- besides
re-engaging the Alliance, re-
Since we put out the Strategic Concept, we’ve been working to turn it into real
plans, real programs that
demonstrate that NATO is capable and effective in dealing with exactly these
kind of challenges. That’s going MS. CONLEY: I think we need to start acting on it. This -- It’s so concerning that these are increasing, for sure. Let me turn a little bit to the broader elements of the summit and working with our Indo-Pacific partners. The largest land war in Europe since the Second World War is not simply a concern to the Euro-Atlantic community. We now this week have Chinese military exercising with the Belarusian military. We have reports of North Korean trainers coming into Russia. This is now a global alignment of our adversaries from Russia to China, Iran, and North Korea. Can NATO play that bridge between the Indo-Pacific and the Euro-Atlantic? This is the third summit where our four Indo-Pacific -- SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s right. MS. CONLEY: -- prime ministers are here. Their commitment is getting stronger. Can NATO play that role?
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Yes, and we are seeing it play exactly that role. You
mentioned this is the third summit
in a row that we’ve had Indo-Pacific partners here at NATO -- Australia, New
Zealand, Japan, Korea. And it’s a
reflection of the fact of exactly what you said, that these challenges are
linked, that are our theatres of
work together are linked. And maybe this was crystallized by Ukraine, when Prime
Minister Kishida of Japan
said that what’s happening in Europe today could be happening in East Asia
tomorrow. When Russia committed its
aggression, its renewed aggression against Ukraine, and Japan stood up, South
Korea stood up, Australia, New
Zealand, this was a reflection of that recognition that these challenges are
linked. And when democracies
So as we’re gathering here in Washington with our Indo-Pacific partners, what
this means is we are breaking
down the silos between Europe, Asia, and the United States. And this has been a
very deliberate objective of We’ve seen a massive buildup of its weaponry over the last year and a half -- tanks, missiles, munitions. That’s the product of a defense industrial base being fueled by China. As a result, European allies understand the challenge posed by China to Europe’s security. And of course, China can’t have it both ways. It can’t be all at once -- or claim to be for peace and want to have better relations with Europe -- while at the same time fueling what is arguably the most significant threat to European security since the end of the Cold War. We see it in the relationship between Russia and North Korea. That’s abundantly clear. And in all of these areas, as well as some of the hybrid threats that you alluded to before, the connections are clearer and clearer. The Alliance is one place -- and maybe, I would argue, a central place -- where we can bring everyone together so that we’re acting together.
MS. CONLEY: So Mr. Secretary, you’re talking about strengthening this global
Alliance which the United States
has built over the last 75 years. You have some very vocal American national
security analysts saying there’s
one thing we have to focus on: China. Everything else is a waste. Let our Allies
deal with everything else;
we have to focus on China. What is your answer to that criticism or critique of
what you’re trying to build SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, my answer is, first of all, of course, we are focusing on China, and we’re doing it in two ways. One, we are making the investments in ourselves at home to make sure that we’re approaching China from a position of domestic strength. When you look at everything that’s happened over the last three and a half years with the incredible investments in our own infrastructure -- our roads, our bridges, our communications -- through the Infrastructure Act; when you look at our commitment to make sure that we maintain our leadership, our world leadership on microelectronics, on chips through the CHIPS and Science Act; when you look at the investments that have been made in climate technology, which is going to be a critical part of the 21st century economy, that puts the United States in a position of strength. European allies are doing exactly the same thing.
But the other aspect of this is not only, as we’ve done, re-energize our
alliances and partnerships starting
with Europe, but also make sure that there is greater and greater convergence in
our approach to some of the And so precisely because these challenges are joined, dealing with some of the problems posed by China requires this work with, alignment with, convergence with Europe as well as with Asia. MS. CONLEY: I believe -- I would say, maybe using a little bit of that Truman simplicity, the adversary has a vote and they are aligning. We have not the luxury of focusing on what --
SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s correct. And this is
-- I think it’s a really important
point. This is not simply a
reflection of our choices. It’s the reflection of the choices, the policies that
China has chosen to pursue, MS. CONLEY: And I think you’re right. It does pose, for all NATO members, a structural challenge of how do you work in those multiple theaters when you’re dealing with their alignment versus how we are organizing our alliances.
Mr. Secretary, I wanted to turn -- because you raised, and I’m really glad you
did, talking about Alliance
unity. We know that is the center of gravity. We know how important that is. And
we also know that But I think over the last week, we are crossing a threshold where accepting unity, we’re sacrificing or jeopardizing NATO security. You had one NATO member who has now visited Moscow and Beijing, has talked about Beijing as being a strategic partner, has received by NATO and the EU an opt-out of support for Ukraine. You had another member this week suggest that they would like to be welcomed into a security organization that is also -- it participated with Russia and China. What is NATO’s message has to be clear, does it not? SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, I think -- MS. CONLEY: This is getting to a point of straining unity.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: NATO’s message is very clear. It’s very clear in what’s
happening here in Washington over
these couple of days. It’s very clear in the entire trajectory of the Alliance
over the last three and a half
As I mentioned before, we have a Strategic Concept agreed among all the Allies
that very well reflects the
challenges and threats that we face today and will be facing tomorrow. So I see
NATO speaking not only with So far from a race to the bottom just for the sake of consensus or unity, what I’m seeing is a race to the top by this Alliance. Again, it’s -- let’s be very simple about it. NATO is stronger than it’s ever been. It’s bigger than it’s ever been. It’s more fit for purpose than it’s ever been. MS. CONLEY: I think, Mr. Secretary, it’s not about necessarily the 2 percent, and I think -- I’m -- I think we’re going to be raising that bar, don’t you think? SECSTATE BLINKEN: Yes. MS. CONLEY: It’s going to be the new 2.5, maybe even the new 3 percent if we’re heading into this era of tremendous instability. No, but I’m saying, even a NATO member can spend 2 percent but still be working to undermine the security of the Alliance itself. So it’s not just 2 percent. How do we get back to, again, that core of the Washington Treaty, the preamble -- we defend democracy; we defend a certain set of values. When Allies don’t profess necessarily to uphold those values, what’s the answer? I mean, this is about us. It’s not about the adversary. It’s about who we are.
SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, of course Allies, as we speak, for the last two and a
half years now, have been
defending those values, defending our democracy that’s at stake in Ukraine. They
know that it’s not only about Now, look, communicating with adversaries, with enemies, that is fine. Communications are important. You want to make sure that at least you’re not misunderstanding each other. But of course, what’s communicated is really important as well. I would hope that anyone, for example, going to Moscow now makes very clear to Vladimir Putin that NATO’s not going anywhere, Ukraine’s not going anywhere, the European Union’s not going anywhere, and that -- what we just saw the other day, a horrific attack on a children’s hospital, is totally, totally, totally unacceptable, and Russia will continue to be ostracized as long as it engages in those kinds of actions. I would hope and expect that anyone going to Beijing makes clear what I said a moment ago, that continuing to fuel Russia’s defense industrial base, continuing to allow the greatest threat to European security since the end of the Cold War to go forward, is something that is unacceptable to Europe. And that means -- unacceptable is a word. Actions follow that, including, as necessary, sanctions; including, as necessary, not allowing relations that Beijing might seek to improve to actually improve. So what we’re focused on is what Allies and partners are doing. And I can tell you as an Alliance, what we’re doing is evidencing greater strength and commitment to the principles, the values that are at the heart of this Alliance than I’ve seen. MS. CONLEY: Are you confident those messages are being sent? SECSTATE BLINKEN: I have confidence those messages are being sent. MS. CONLEY: All right. SECSTATE BLINKEN: But, again, we come together as 32 countries. From the perspective of the United States, it’s so important that we listen to each other, that we communicate clearly with each other, and yes, we develop consensus. But what I’m seeing, again, is a consensus that is moving us up, not holding us back. MS. CONLEY: So we’ve welcomed -- this is Sweden’s first -- SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s right. MS. CONLEY: -- NATO summit. Great to come in. We’ve had this bolt of energy -- I feel it -- with Sweden, Finland joining. There’s an energy in the Nordic, Baltic quadrant of NATO. How has it been to welcome those new -- they’re seeing what’s behind the curtain. How have you introduced your two new colleagues now into NATO? Tell us some good stories. SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, of course, Sweden and Finland have been NATO partners for a long time. They’ve contributed tremendously to the Alliance, to our common endeavors for a long time, but to have them at the table is something I think -- I suspect most people in this room -- three years ago I doubt anyone really would have imagined that. MS. CONLEY: If you would have read a lot of think tank reports 15 years ago, you would have known this would have been the case, but that’s okay. SECSTATE BLINKEN: I might have written -- MS. CONLEY: I’ll let it slip. SECSTATE BLINKEN: I might have written one or two of those reports back in the day, so -- MS. CONLEY: Good. See?
SECSTATE BLINKEN: But in all seriousness, you’re right. I think it has added a
jolt of energy. They’re both
remarkable partners. They bring so much to the Alliance. They change the
strategic equation in a very MS. CONLEY: It was amazing. SECSTATE BLINKEN: -- Medal of Freedom last night. And that was a very powerful reflection of the extraordinary leadership that he’s demonstrated over a decade -- a decade of incredible change for NATO, but a decade that he’s managed with brilliance. MS. CONLEY: Well, he’s really had a unique talent of communicating with some of those Allies that don’t see eye to eye always with the consensus; was incredibly important in resolving some of the difficulties -- SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s right. That’s right. MS. CONLEY: -- in the run-up to welcoming Sweden and Finland. Any advice for his successor about how to manage the diplomacy of maintaining Alliance unity? SECSTATE BLINKEN: Well, I know Mark Rutte. I think many in this room do as well. I have tremendous confidence in his abilities to take the torch from Jens and to do what Jens did so brilliantly, which was actually to listen to all of our partners, to build that consensus, to demonstrate through our actions that unity really is our most valuable currency, and to build it every single day. But it -- again, it doesn’t just happen. It’s the product of being engaged every single day, not pulling back, not isolating ourselves, actually leaning in, leaning forward. I know Mark is going to do that brilliantly, and I think the trajectory we’re on with all of our member-states is to continue to do exactly that.
MS. CONLEY: So Mr. Secretary, I’m going to end. My last question is going to be a
historical question but
moving forward. So as Dean Acheson asked -- it is for others to judge, and the
71st Secretary of State just SECSTATE BLINKEN: Look forward to seeing you all there, by the way. MS. CONLEY: Yes, exactly. We’ll be in our wheelchairs. Exactly. What judgment would you like your successor to render about what you have done here on the 75th anniversary to keep a billion people safe? Will they know that we’ve done enough to advance the cause of freedom? SECSTATE BLINKEN: The proof will be in the tests that are in front of us and how we meet them. But I hope that when we look back on this period of time, one of the conclusions that people will reach is that the United States was leaning in. We re-engaged our Alliance. We helped to re-energize our Alliance. We helped to reimagine our Alliance so that even as we celebrate 75 years of the most successful defensive alliance in history, we were resolutely focused on the future and doing everything that we could in our time to make sure that that success for 75 years would continue and that the Alliance would be adapted, focused, fit for purpose for our time and for the years ahead.
Because, again, I come back to what I started with, Heather: This Alliance is a
reflection of a commitment
that leaders in all of our countries make to the people we represent, a
commitment we do -- that we do MS. CONLEY: We will know we will do enough if Ukraine wins. SECSTATE BLINKEN: That’s right. MS. CONLEY: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. This has been a great kickoff. I hope we’ve started things off -- we’ve revved up our engines. I know you’ve provided a lot of food for thought. Thank you so much. I know you have to get back to start your summit, but first will everyone please join me in warm applause for the Secretary of State. SECSTATE BLINKEN: Thank you. Thank you. MS. CONLEY: Thank you. SECSTATE BLINKEN: Thank you.
Original Text Source: State.gov
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