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Gamal Abdel Nasser
delivered 9 June 1967, Cairo, Egypt
Off-Site Arabic Transcript and Complete Arabic Audio of Radio Address
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below translated and interpreted from the original Arabic audio. See "Text Note" at page bottom.] Radio Announcer: Fellow citizens, sons of our great people, and members of the brave United Arab nation, President Gamal Abdel Nasser will now address you.
We cannot hide from ourselves that we have faced a serious setback in recent days, still, I am confident that together, we can overcome this challenging situation in a short time, albeit with a great deal of patience, wisdom, moral courage, and dedicated effort. But first, brothers, let us look at what has transpired to track the developments and their trajectory to where they are now. We are all aware of how the crisis in the Middle East began in the first half of last May. The enemy had planned an invasion of Syria, openly declared by its politicians and military leaders. This was supported by ample evidence of this plot. Our Syrian brothers provided definitive sources on this matter, and our reliable intelligence corroborated their findings. Moreover, our friends in the Soviet Union informed the parliamentary delegation visiting Moscow at the beginning of last month about a premeditated plan against Syria. We considered it our duty not to remain silent. Beyond being an obligation of the Arab brotherhood, it was also a matter of national security, as any aggression starting with Syria would inevitably target Egypt next. Our military forces successfully marched to our frontiers, earning the respect of both friends and foes. This action had various ramifications, including the withdrawal of international peacekeeping forces and the redeployment of our troops to positions in Sharm El-Sheikh, regaining control of the Strait of Tiran. (This location had been previously exploited by the Israeli enemy following the Tripartite Aggression against us in 1956.) The sight of the enemy's flag passing before our forces was intolerable, as were other factors associated with the Arab nation's most deeply held ambitions. The precise calculations of the enemy's strength revealed that our armed forces, given the level of equipment and training they had reached, were capable of repelling and deterring the enemy. We understood that the possibility of armed conflict existed, and we accepted the risk. Several factors stood before us -- national, Arab, and international. Among them was a letter from the U.S. President Lyndon Johnson, handed to our ambassador in Washington on May 26, urging us to exercise self-control and avoid being the first to open fire, or face serious consequences. That same evening, the Soviet envoy called me in for an urgent meeting at 3:30 a.m., telling me that That same night, the Soviet envoy called me in for an urgent meeting at 3:30 a.m. after midnight, informing me of a pressing request from the Soviet government that we should not be the ones to initiate fire. The enemy struck in the morning of last Monday, June 5th. While we now say it came with more force than we expected, we must also state unequivocally that it came with greater power than the enemy possesses. This immediately showed that additional forces were behind the adversary, forces looking to settle their scores with the Arab nationalist movement. There were notable surprises: The first is that the enemy, whom we anticipated to strike from the east and north, attacked from the west, confirming that he was given facilities that go beyond his capabilities, exceeding his calculated strength. Second, the enemy simultaneously targeted all military and civilian airports in the United Arab Republic (Egypt, Syria), implying that he relied on support beyond his usual strength to shield his skies from any response from our side while also leaving other Arab fronts open for additional support he managed to secure. Third, there is clear evidence of colonial collusion with him, this time disguised by deception and guile to avoid the overt exposure of the previous alliance in 1956. Nevertheless, it is now confirmed that American and British aircraft carriers were near the enemy's shores, assisting his war effort. Additionally, British aircraft struck specific areas on both the Syrian and Egyptian fronts in broad daylight, as did several American aircraft conducting reconnaissance missions over some of our positions. The verified outcome was that our ground forces, fighting some of the fiercest and most valiant battles in the open desert, found themselves in a difficult situation because the air cover above them was insufficient, given the decisive superiority of the enemy's air power. It can be said -- without any trace of emotion or exaggeration -- that the enemy was operating with an air force three times greater than its normal strength. This was also the situation the Jordanian Arab Army faced, which fought a courageous battle under the leadership of King Hussein, who, I must say -- truthfully and with integrity -- took an exceptional stance. I admit that my heart bled as I followed the battles of his brave Arab army in Jerusalem and other sites in the West Bank on a night when the enemy and its conspiring forces deployed no fewer than 400 aircraft over the Jordanian front. There were remarkable and noble efforts: the Algerian people led by their great leader, Houari Boumediene, contributed unreservedly and without prior calculation to the battle. The Iraqi people, under the loyal leadership of Abdul Rahman Arif, also contributed wholeheartedly and without prior planning to the battle. The Syrian army fought heroically, bolstered by the great Syrian people and led by their national government. The peoples and governments of Sudan, Kuwait, Yemen, Lebanon, Tunisia, and Morocco took honorable positions. Across the vast Arab homeland, the entire Arab nation stood without exception united, demonstrating dignity, determination, and resilience. They firmly asserted that Arab rights would neither be lost nor weakened and that the fight to defend them would persist, regardless of sacrifices and setbacks, until inevitable and certain victory is achieved. There were great nations outside the Arab world that provided us invaluable moral support. Still, the conspiracy -- one must say this with the courage of men -- was greater and more formidable. The enemy’s main focus was on the Egyptian front, where it deployed all its primary forces of armored vehicles and infantry, supported by air superiority (I have already described the full picture earlier in terms of its scale). The nature of the desert did not allow for a complete defense, especially given the enemy’s air dominance. I recognized that the outcome of the armed conflict might not be favorable to us; therefore, I, along with others, strove to use all Arab sources of strength. Arab oil came into play, and the Suez Canal played a role, but there is still a significant role required from the Arab public effort, which I have full confidence it will fulfill. Our armed forces in Sinai were forced to evacuate the first line of defense and fought intense battles with tanks and aircraft along the second line of defense. Then, we responded to the ceasefire resolution, considering assurances provided in the Soviet Union's recent resolution draft submitted to the Security Council, along with French statements that no territorial expansion could be achieved based on this recent aggression. International public opinion, particularly in Asia and Africa, understood our position and expressed dismay at the global powers of control that had struck against us. We now have several urgent tasks ahead of us: The first task is to undo the harm caused by this aggression against us and to stand with the Arab nation with firmness and resilience. Despite the setback, the Arab nation can insist on eradicating the consequences of the invasion with all of its resources and abilities. The second task: to grasp the lesson of the setback, and in this regard, there are three vital facts: • Eliminating colonialism in the Arab world leaves Israel reliant solely on its capabilities alone. Regardless of the conditions or duration, Arab self-forces are more powerful and capable of acting. • Shifting the Arab interests to serve the Arab rights is a crucial safeguard. The United States Sixth Fleet relied on Arab oil, and Arab bases were forcibly established in service of aggression, despite public disapproval. • There is no alternative assurance in these conditions, thus the entire Arab nation must speak with one voice. We've now reached a critical step in this revelation by asking ourselves: Does this mean we do not bear any responsibility for the consequences of this setback? I say to you honestly -- and despite any factors I may have based my stance on during the crisis -- that I am prepared to bear full responsibility for the situation. I have reached a decision that I need you all to help me with: I have decided to completely and permanently step down from any official post and any political role and return to the ranks of the people, fulfilling my duty alongside them as any other citizen. Colonial powers imagine that Gamal Abdel Nasser is their enemy, and I want to make it clear to them that it is the entire Arab nation, not just Gamal Abdel Nasser. The forces opposing the Arab nationalist movement always try to portray it as an empire for Abdel Nasser. This is not true; the hope for Arab unity existed before Gamal Abdel Nasser and will remain after Gamal Abdel Nasser. I have always told you that the nation persists and that any individual, no matter their role and how much he contributes to the issues of his homeland, is merely an instrument of the nation’s will and not the creator of it. Following Article 110 of the Provisional Constitution issued in March 1964, I have assigned my colleague, friend, and brother Zakaria Mohieddin to assume the position of President of the Republic, implementing the constitutional provisions established for that purpose. Following this decision, I place everything I have at his disposal and in service of the grave circumstances our people are currently enduring. In doing this, I am not ending the revolution. However, the revolution is not the exclusive right of one generation of revolutionaries. I am proud of this generation's contribution to the revolution; it has achieved the expulsion of British colonialism, secured Egypt’s independence, defined its Arab identity, fought against the dominance of spheres of influence in the Arab world, led the social revolution, and enacted a profound transformation in the Egyptian reality, affirming the people's control over their wealth and the outcomes of national labor.
It reclaimed the Suez Canal, laid the foundation for Egypt’s industrial
progress, and built the High Dam to spread fertile greenery over the barren
desert. It extended the electric power networks over the entire northern Nile
Valley and unleashed petroleum resources after a long wait. My confidence is infinite in this leading alliance of national action -- farmers, workers, soldiers, intellectuals, and national capitalists. Its unity and cohesion, as well as the creative interaction within this framework, are capable of achieving, through hard and diligent work -- as I have stated many times -- tremendous miracles in this country, transforming it into a force for itself, for its Arab nation, for the national revolutionary movement, and for global peace based on justice. The sacrifices exerted by our people, their ignited spirit during the crisis, along with the glorious battles written in blood by our armed forces officers and soldiers, will remain an unquenchable flame of light in our history and a great inspiration for the future and its grand hopes. The people have been magnificent as always, genuine in their nature, faithful, sincere, and loyal. The members of our armed forces have been honorable models of the Arab man across all times and spaces. They defended each grain of sand in the desert to the last drop of their blood. In the skies, and despite the enemy’s air superiority, they were legends of sacrifice, redemption, valor, and noble devotion to duty, performing it in the noblest manner possible. This is a time for action, not a time for sorrow. It is a stance for upholding high ideals, rather than for selfish interests or personal feelings. My heart is entirely with you, and I want all of your hearts to be with me, and may Allah be with us all, bringing hope, light, and guidance to our hearts. As-salamu alaykum wa rahmatullah [May the peace, blessings, and mercy of Allah be upon you] Original Text Source: No original text source. Translated and interpreted from the original audio located at http://nasser.bibalex.org/Speeches/list.aspx?search=false&lang=en&page=254#Gallery (http://nasser.bibalex.org/MediaViewer.aspx?VideoID=SPCH-AUD-23741-en) Original Image of Army flag of the United Arab Republic (1958-1972) Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Egyptian_flags#/media/File:Army_flag_of_the_United_Arab_Republic.svg Text Note: Two different professional translation/interpretation services were used to produce the above text. First, a complete Arabic audio-to-English text translation/interpretation was constructed by a native Arabic language speaker; next, an independent native Egyptian Arabic language speaker and proofreader offered suggested corrections to the first text translation/interpretation. Page Created: 12/17/24 U.S. Copyright Status: Text = Uncertain. Image of Flag = CC0. |
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President Nasser: Brothers, we have grown accustomed to gathering in times of victory and
hardship, in moments of sweetness and bitterness, to speak with open hearts, and
confront the facts honestly. No matter how difficult the circumstances or dim
the light, this path leads us in the right direction.
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