SecState Blinken:
Good afternoon. Today I get to say something that brings me tremendous
happiness: President Biden, Vice President Harris, welcome to the State
Department.
For more than two decades, I’ve had the privilege
of watching President Biden at work. I’ve seen his commitment to the American
people, his expertise in foreign policy, his steadfast belief in diplomacy, and
his rock-solid support for our diplomats and development experts. I’ve seen him
on the Hill, in the Oval Office, in distant world capitals from Baghdad to
Bagram, Paris to Pretoria, and visiting our troops, visiting our diplomats,
visiting all the men and women representing this country.
And I can say without fear of contradiction that in the history of the
presidency, no one has brought as much foreign policy experience to the job as
Joe Biden. Wherever he goes, he’s been a champion for American leadership and a
defender of American values. And in Kamala Harris he has a Vice President, we
have a Vice President, with a long track record of standing up for the security
of the American people and an abiding commitment to using diplomacy to advance
our interests and defend our values around the world.
At this moment of unprecedented global challenge, it’s more important than ever
that the United States show up and lead, because the world simply doesn’t
organize itself to solve big problems, and the well-being of the American people
hangs in the balance. We need diplomacy to get the pandemic under control
worldwide, to save American lives and livelihoods. We need diplomacy to address
the climate crisis, to protect communities across our country. We need diplomacy
to check the rise of authoritarianism, to prevent the spread of dangerous
weapons, to shore up democracy, to defend human rights – all of which makes the
world more stable and free, and all of which protects the security and
prosperity of the American people.
Foreign policy is domestic policy, and because our strength at home determines
our strength in the world, domestic policy is foreign policy too. President
Biden and Vice President Harris know this better than anyone. That’s why they
believe so strongly in the work that we do at the State Department. And they
have made it clear that the first question we must ask ourselves here at State
is: How will this benefit our fellow Americans? How will this policy answer
their needs? How will this outreach reflect their values? How will this
initiative make their lives just a little bit better?
We’re going to hold ourselves to that standard every step of the way. President
Biden and Vice President Harris have come here today at the very start of their
administration to make sure we know that we have their support, and that means a
great deal to all of the men and women of the State Department. We will do our
best, Mr. President, Madam Vice President, to make you proud.
And with that, it is my pleasure to introduce the President of the United
States, Joe Biden.
President
Biden: Mr. Secretary, it’s great to be
here with you. And I’ve been looking forward a long time to be able to call you
“Mr. Secretary.”
Good afternoon, everyone. It’s an honor to be back at the State Department under
the eyes of the first American chief diplomat, Benjamin Franklin.
And, by the way, I want you all to know in the press I was the Benjamin Franklin
Professor of Presidential Politics at Penn. And I thought they did that because
I was as old as he was, but I guess not.
Anyway, all kidding aside, it’s great to be here and stand alongside our most
recent and senior diplomat, Secretary Tony Blinken. Mr. Secretary, thank you for
welcoming us today. We’ve worked together for over 20 years. Your diplomatic
skills are respected equally by your friends and our competitors around the
world.
And they know when you speak, you speak for me. And so -- so is the message I
want the world to hear today: America is back. America is back. Diplomacy is
back at the center of our foreign policy.
As I said in my inaugural address, we will repair our alliances and engage with
the world once again, not to meet yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and
tomorrow’s. American leadership must meet this new moment of advancing
authoritarianism, including the growing ambitions of China to rival the United
States and the determination of Russia to damage and disrupt our democracy.
We must meet the new moment accelerating glo- -- accelerating global challenges
--
from the pandemic to the climate crisis to nuclear proliferation -- challenging
the will only to be solved by nations working together and in common. We can’t
do it alone.
That must be this -- we must start with diplomacy rooted in America’s most
cherished democratic values: defending freedom, championing opportunity,
upholding universal rights, respecting the rule of law, and treating every
person with dignity.
That’s the grounding wire of our global policy -- our global power. That’s our
inexhaustible source of strength. That’s America’s abiding advantage.
Though many of these values have come under intense pressure in recent years,
even pushed to the brink in the last few weeks, the American people are going to
emerge from this moment stronger, more determined, and better equipped to unite
the world in fighting to defend democracy, because we have fought for it
ourselves.
Over the past few days, we’ve been in close cooperation with our allies and
partners to bring together the international community to address the military
coup in Burma.
I’ve also been in touch with Leader McConnell to discuss our shared concerns
about the situation in Burma, and we are united in our resolve.
There can be no doubt: In a democracy, force should never seek to overrule the
will of the people or attempt to erase the outcome of a credible election.
The Burmese military should relinquish power they have seized, release the
advocates and activists and officials they have detained, lift the restrictions
on telecommunications, and refrain from violence.
As I said earlier this week, we will work with our partners to support
restoration of democracy and the rule of law, and impose consequences on those
responsible.
Over the past two weeks, I’ve spoken with the leaders of many of our closest
friends -- Canada, Mexico, the UK, Germany, France, NATO, Japan, South Korea,
Australia -- to being [begin] reforming the habits of cooperation and rebuilding
the muscle of democratic alliances that have atrophied over the past few years
of neglect and, I would argue, abuse.
America’s alliances are our greatest asset, and leading with diplomacy means
standing shoulder-to-shoulder with our allies and key partners once again.
By leading with diplomacy, we must also mean engaging our adversaries and our
competitors diplomatically, where it’s in our interest, and advance the security
of the American people.
That’s why, yesterday, the United States and Russia agreed to extend the New
START Treaty for five years to preserve the only remaining treaty between our
countries safeguarding nuclear stability.
At the same time, I made it clear to President Putin, in a manner very different
from my predecessor, that the days of the United States rolling over in the face
of Russia’s aggressive actions -- interfering with our elections, cyberattacks,
poisoning its citizens -- are over. We will not hesitate to raise the cost on
Russia and defend our vital interests and our people. And we will be more
effective in dealing with Russia when we work in coalition and coordination with
other like-minded partners.
The politically motivated jailing of Alexei Navalny and the Russian efforts to
suppress freedom of expression and peaceful assembly are a matter of deep
concern to us and the international community.
Mr. Navalny, like all Russian citizens, is entitled to his rights under the
Russian constitution. He’s been targeted -- targeted for exposing corruption. He
should be released immediately and without condition.
And we’ll also take on directly the challenges posed by our prosperity,
security, and democratic values by our most serious competitor, China.
We’ll confront China’s economic abuses; counter its aggressive, coercive action;
to push back on China’s attack on human rights, intellectual property, and
global governance.
But we are ready to work with Beijing when it’s in America’s interest to do so.
We will compete from a position of strength by building back better at home,
working with our allies and partners, renewing our role in international
institutions, and reclaiming our credibility and moral authority, much of which
has been lost.
That’s why we’ve moved quickly to begin restoring American engagement
internationally and earn back our leadership position, to catalyze global action
on shared challenges.
On day one, I signed the paperwork to rejoin the Paris Climate Agreement. We’re
taking steps led by the example of integrating climate objectives across all of
our diplomacy and raise the ambition of our climate targets. That way, we can
challenge other nations, other major emitters, up to -- to up the ante on their
own commitments. I’ll be hosting climate leaders -- a climate leaders’ summit to
address the climate crisis on Earth Day of this year.
America must lead in the face of this existential threat. And just as with the
pandemic, it requires global cooperation.
We’ve also reengaged with the World Health Organization. That way, we can build
better global preparedness to counter COVID-19, as well as detect and prevent
future pandemics, because there will be more.
We’ve elevated the status of cyber issues within our government, including
appointing the first national -- Deputy National Security Advisor for Cyber and
Emerging Technology. We’re launching an urgent initiative to improve our
capability, readiness, and resilience in cyberspace.
Today, I’m announcing additional steps to course-correct our foreign policy and
better unite our democratic values with our diplomatic leadership.
To begin, Defense Secretary Austin will be leading a Global Posture Review of
our forces so that our military footprint is appropriately aligned with our
foreign policy and national security priorities. It will be coordinated across
all elements of our national security, with Secretary Austin and Secretary
Blinken working in close cooperation.
And while this review is taking place, we’ll be stopping any planned troop
withdrawals from Germany. We’re also stepping up our diplomacy to end the war in
Yemen -- a war which has created a humanitarian and strategic catastrophe. I’ve
asked my Middle East team to ensure our support for the United Nations-led
initiative to impose a ceasefire, open humanitarian channels, and restore
long-dormant peace talks.
This morning, Secretary Blinken appointed Tim Lenderking, a career foreign
policy officer, as our special envoy to the Yemen conflict. And I appreciate his
doing this. Tim is a life -- has lifelong experience in the region, and he’ll
work with the U.N. envoy and all parties of the conflict to push for a
diplomatic resolution.
And Tim’s diplomacy will be bolstered by USI- -- USAID, working to ensure that
humanitarian aid is reaching the Yemeni people who are suffering un- -- an undurable [sic]
-- unendurable devastation. This war has to end.
And to underscore our commitment, we are ending all American support for
offensive operations in the war in Yemen, including relevant arms sales.
At the same time, Saudi Arabia faces missile attacks, UAV strikes, and other
threats from Iranian-supplied forces in multiple countries. We’re going to
continue to support and help Saudi Arabia defend its sovereignty and its
territorial integrity and its people.
We also face a crisis of more than 80 million displaced people suffering all
around the world. The United States’ moral leadership on refugee issues was a
point of bipartisan consensus for so many decades when I first got here. We
shined the light of lamp on -- of liberty on oppressed people. We offered safe
havens for those fleeing violence or persecution. And our example pushed other
nations to open wide their doors as well.
So today, I’m approving an executive order to begin the hard work of restoring
our refugee admissions program to help meet the unprecedented global need. It’s
going to take time to rebuild what has been so badly damaged, but that’s
precisely what we’re going to do.
This executive order will position us to be able to raise the refugee admissions
back up to 125,000 persons for the first full fiscal year of the Biden-Harris
administration. And I’m directing the State Department to consult with Congress
about making a down payment on that commitment as soon as possible.
And to further repair our moral leadership, I’m also issuing a presidential memo
to agencies to reinvigorate our leadership on the LGBTQI issues and do it
internationally. You know, we’ll ensure diplomacy and foreign assistance are
working to promote the rights of those individuals, included by combatting
criminalization and protecting LGBTQ refugees and asylum-seekers.
And finally, to successfully reassert our diplomacy and keep Americans safe,
prosperous, and free, we must restore the health and morale of our foreign
policy institutions.
I want the people who work in this building and our embassies and consulates
around the world to know: I value your expertise and I respect you, and I will
have your back. This administration is going to empower you to do your jobs, not
target or politicize you. We want a rigorous debate that brings all perspectives
and makes room for dissent. That’s how we’ll get the best possible policy
outcomes.
So, with your help, the United States will again lead not just by the example of
our power but the power of our example.
That’s why my administration has already taken the important step to live our
domestic values at home -- our democratic values at home.
Within hours of taking office, I signed an executive order overturning the
hateful, discriminatory Muslim ban; reversed the ban on transgender individuals
serving in our military.
And as part of our commitment to truth, transparency, and accountability, we
stated on day one -- we started on day one with daily briefings of the press from
the White House. We’ve reinstate- -- we’ve reinstituted regular briefings here at
State and at the Pentagon. We believe a free press isn’t an adversary; rather,
it’s essential. A free press is essential to the health of a democracy.
We’ve restored our commitment to science and to create policies grounded in
facts and evidence. I suspect Ben Franklin would approve.
We’ve taken steps to acknowledge and address systemic racism and the scourge of
white supremacy in our own country. Racial equity will not just be an issue for
one department in our administration, it has to be the business of the whole of
government in all our federal policies and institutions.
All this matters to foreign policy, because when we host the Summit of Democracy
early in my administration to rally the nations of the world to defend democracy
globally, to push back the authoritarianism’s advance, we’ll be a much more
credible partner because of these efforts to shore up our own foundations.
There’s no longer a bright line between foreign and domestic policy. Every
action we take in our conduct abroad, we must take with American working
families in mind. Advancing a foreign policy for the middle class demands urgent
focus on our domestic econog- -- economic renewal.
And that’s why I immediately put forth the American Rescue Plan to pull us out
of this economic crisis. That’s why I signed an executive order strengthening
our Buy American policies last week. And it’s also why I’ll work with Congress
to make far-reaching investments in research and development of transformable --
in transformable technologies.
These investments are going to create jobs, maintain America’s competitive edge
globally, and ensure all Americans share in the dividends.
If we invest in ourselves and our people, if we fight to ensure that American
businesses are positioned to compete and win on the global stage, if the rules
of international trade aren’t stacked against us, if our workers and
intellectual property are protected, then there’s no country on Earth -- not
China or any other country on Earth -- that can match us.
Investing in our diplomacy isn’t something we do just because it’s the right
thing to do for the world. We do it in order to live in peace, security, and
prosperity. We do it because it’s in our own naked self-interest. When we
strengthen our alliances, we amplify our power as well as our ability to disrupt
threats before they can reach our shores.
When we invest in economic development of countries, we create new markets for
our products and reduce the likelihood of instability, violence, and mass
migrations.
When we strengthen health systems in far regions of the world, we reduce the
risk of future pandemics that can threaten our people and our economy.
When we defend equal rights of people the world over -- of women and girls, LGBTQ
individuals, indigenous communities, and people with disabilities, the people of
every ethnic background and religion -- we also ensure that those rights are
protected for our own children here in America.
America cannot afford to be absent any longer on the world stage. I come today
to the State Department, an agency as old and as storied as the nation itself,
because diplomacy has always been essential to how American -- America writes its
own destiny.
For the diplomacy of Ben Franklin helped assure the success of our revolution.
The vision of the Marshall Plan helped prevent the world from foundering on the
wreckage of war. And the passions of Eleanor Roosevelt declared the audacious
idea of universal rights that belong to all.
The leadership of diplomats of every stripe, doing the daily work of engagement,
created the very idea of a free and interconnected world. We are a country that
does big things. American diplomacy makes it happen. And our administration is
ready to take up the mantle and lead once again.
Thank you all. And may God bless you and protect our troops, our diplomats, and
our development experts, and all Americans serving in harm’s way.
